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Editorial
The Lesson of Gaza
The Israeli war against Gaza constitutes
a fundamental turning point in the Arab perspective of the
future outcomes of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The reason is
that, in spite of the media, political, military and
intelligence siege and collusion imposed by some Palestinian,
Arab and international parties, the Palestinian resistance in
the Gaza Strip managed alone to genuinely defeat the Israeli
army, as well as achieved a real victory by means of
steadfastness, confrontation and defeating the Israeli army's
plans for the war. It was obliged to declare a one-side
ceasefire and leave the Strip without achieving any of its
goals.
Therefore, the resistance victory and
the defeat of the Israeli occupation forces represent a new
source of inspiration for those interested in security and peace
and the restoration of Palestinian national rights.
Some of the important lessons to be
derived from Gaza in this battle are:
1. When the public
will coincides with the will of leaders, together they
constitute an invincible power.
2. Faith and
connection to the major objectives of the Islamic nation and the
Palestinian people are indispensable.
3. The Gaza battle
has uncovered the size of the crisis for those who support the
settlement choice and its remnants. This became obvious when
that group brutally controlled the West Bank and coordinated
with the occupation forces to ban the Palestinian people there
from demonstrating their
solidarity with
their brothers and sisters in Gaza.
4. The Gaza war as
well as its victory has proved the fact that the Islamic nation
is still alive, and that its peoples are able to achieve more.
However, the ruling political elites are hampering any genuine
transformation.
5. It has also
proved that the international community, which is aware
of the crimes of the Israeli war machine, is practicing an
extreme form of political and media hypocrisy by covering up
these crimes.
6. Israel has to
realise that the age of absolute unilateral power over the
region has come to an end.
7. The
lesson of
Gaza has been harsh, bloody and painful, but also an historic
one which speaks out for honour, dignity and glory.
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Research & Studies
Determinants of the Conflict between the Secularists and the
Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey after the
Court's Rejection of the Attempt to Ban the AKP
Turkey is witnessing a political
conflict which causes widespread concern about the horrible
destiny which may await the country. Although the ruling party
was elected by a majority of Turks, it has faced a number of
problems, culminating in the attempt by the Constitutional Court
to ban the party for holding anti-secular activities. After
long, closed sessions, which upset the ruling party, the ban was
rejected on 30 July 2008. The chief justice Hasim Kalic ruled
that the AKP will not be banned, but will lose perhaps one half
of its public allowance.
The ruling party verdict feared a
ban. Previous incidents – such as the ban on the ruling Welfare
Party in 1998 and the personal prosecution of its leader
Najm-addin Erbekan a few years later – have been a nightmare for
the AKP politicians. Therefore, they welcomed the verdict
depriving them of half of their governmental financing and were
relieved to remain in Turkish politics.
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Israeli-East African Relations and their Influence on the Arab
Region
Israel places great importance on it is
relations with Africa, using various means to penetrate African
countries to achieve its foreign policies which have objections
and ambitions in many fields.
The Israeli penetration of East Africa,
which assumes economic, security and military dimensions
impinges on the Arab world, threatening national security,
especially the Nile and the Arabian Red Sea coast.
Events demands awareness of these
dangers, and development of Arab-African interaction through
institutional formulas to coordinate and plan in many fields,
and not to allow this interaction to be governed by the
political situation and the status quo.
This research seeks to reveal the means,
methods and instruments which Israel follows to penetrate
Africa. The threat posed by developing Afro-Israeli relations
to Arab-African relations and to national Arab security. Then it
explores the means which the Arab side can use to challenge the
Zionist project in Africa which presents another front in the
Arab-Israeli conflict abroad.
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Reports & Articles
Limited European Policy
Shift in Favor of the Palestinian Cause Following the
European Parliament's Call to Lift the Siege on Gaza
European concern for the Palestinian
cause was renewed by means of diplomatic activities in the few
months following the crossing of the Egyptian borders by
Palestinians in late January 2008. The European Parliament
issued a resolution in February 21, calling for Israel to end
the siege imposed on Gaza. Several visits by European officials
to Israel and Ramallah have been witnessed since then. So, what
is indicated by the current European diplomatic activity in the
region?
Has Europe decided to end its support
for the sanctions against the Palestinian people as well as the
isolation of Hamas? What are the likely limits of the European
role now? Does the European Parliament resolution represent a
shift in European policy, and does it have other implications?
What are the areas of divergence between the American and
European policy towards the Palestinian cause? To what extent
can Arab policies rely on an efficient European effort to
progress the peace process? These are valid and significant
questions which the study aims to address.
This study consists of three sections.
Firstly, it explores recent European attitudes following the
crossing of the Egyptian borders by Palestinians. Secondly, it
analyses recent European attitudes in contrast with European
policies adopted following the Palestinian general elections in
January 2006. Thirdly, it sheds light on the current areas of
divergence between American and European policies relate to the
Palestinian cause.
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The Sudanese National
Crisis: Challenges and Horizons for Solutions
Sudan has entered a complicated era of
its history, for the national situation has become subject to
numerous national, regional and international factors and
threats which shape this era.
The Nivasha treaty established a
conciliatory system in the country, and influences the entire
political, economic, social and security scene. It shapes the
national picture, along with other elements – such as the crisis
of Darfur; the situation in the three areas; the economic,
diplomatic siege; and living and social conditions. Furthermore,
international pressures and extortion have contributed to this
picture.
Objective analysis of the different
political, economic, social and security aspects of affairs in
the Sudan necessitate national cohesion, based on commitment to
all that is inclusive rather than exclusive, national rather
than partisan, collective rather than individual. This should
continue until the way is paved for a new national awareness and
a strong will of renaissance arise in order to change the
current situation, so that the Sudan becomes able to face the
challenges and open up confidently to its cultural and
geographic setting.
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The Global Economic Crisis and
the Impact on the Arab Economies and Stock Markets
A one-day symposium was held in Amman on
8 November 2008 by the Middle East Studies Centre in cooperation
with the Arab Academy for Monetary and Financial Studies. The
papers were discussed in three symposia and the opening and the
closing sessions. A number of suggested solutions and policies
were designed to deliver comprehensive protective plans for the
Arab and world stock markets and help limit losses.
The symposium addressed the global
economic crisis which began on 13 September 2008 in New York and
spread around the globe, its consequences for the Arab world,
and the way to have better protection of the Arab and world
stock markets. The symposium aimed to understand the fundamental
causes of the crisis; describe the resulting situation in Arab
countries and the world; draw lessons to avoid any future crises
in the Arab world; offer short-and long-term plans to deal with
the crisis; suggest better ways for the Arabs to seize the
opportunity of the new state of affairs in stock markets,
investments as well as the Arab and world trade; and recommend
procedural and protective policies for the Arab stock markets
and investments.
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Islam and the West: The
Downfall of Democracy
Democracy started in Athens (507 BC),
went through undemocratic scandals like Guantanamo (2001) and
Abu Ghraib (2004), and now witnesses secret flights by CIA
planes and the apprehension of Western citizens of Arab or
Muslim origin. Is this long history of Western democracy a
common human heritage for all? Why is the Arab, Islamic world
an exception, being unable to interact positively with this
common universal heritage?
Since the Islamic conquest of Spain in
the eighth century, through Crusades on the Muslim land starting
in the eleventh century, along with the colonial and
postcolonial eras, and finally the September 11 attacks, the
relations between the Arab, Islamic world and the Christian West
have always been extremely sensitive and complicated. They have
been distinguished by a communal memory filled with mutual
contradictory sentiments of hostility on one hand and admiration
on the other.
The Communist camp collapsed with the
breakup of the Soviet Union, and bipolar conflict came to an
end, leading to one single global 'superpower': the United
States of America. Since then, this giant has been looking for a
strategic enemy. It found it on September 11, 2001. This
allowed distorted and massive, media coverage. Western public
opinion has been redirected to boost Islamophobia, depicting
Islam as a serious threat to West. Islam and terror are
frequently blended and a suspicious New World Order has been
widely promoted, but with vague objectives, even for the major
players in the field of international relations.
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Failure of the Palestinian
Dialogue in Cairo:Reasons
and Repercussions
Egypt has presented its project for the
Palestinian national dialogue, referring to common areas of
interest related to the political agenda, the activation of the
Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and the reconstruction
of the security forces. This took place after consultations with
various active Palestinian factions and after a reminder to the
different parties of the importance of agreement, the
sensitivity of the current conditions and the consequences of
failure to secure Palestinian rights.
However, the Palestinian national
dialogue did not even begin as scheduled on 9 November 2008,
when the Hamas and the Egyptian government blamed each other.
The Egyptian government, accused Hamas of deliberately hampering
the start of the dialogue. Hamas accused the Egyptians of
attempting to impose conditions and also of taking an
unacceptably biased stand in favour of the other party. In spite
of the fact that the national dialogue did not start, the
dialogue between Hamas and Egypt did not stop over a number of
issues, such as the Rafah crossing point, the truce and the
right circumstances to start the national dialogue. So, what
prevented the Palestinian factions from meeting in Cairo? Are
there be any other opportunities? What are the repercussions for
the failure to start the dialogue?
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The International-Arab
Conference for the Right of Return
Damascus, November 2008
The right of Palestinians to return to
their land, houses and properties is a basic issue in the
Palestinian cause. Israel attempts to deny this right because it
would challenge the Zionist occupation of Palestine. The entire
Arab nation and just people all over the world must join
together to make this the basis of international resolutions. A
significant step was the organization of an international-Arab
conference about the right to return, where thousands from Arab
nation and around the globe gather to support the right of
return, and reject attempts at denial or bargaining.
The International-Arab Conference for
the Right of Return was held in Damascus, the Syrian capital
– which hosts a large population of Palestinian refugees beside
their occupied land. The conference coincides with the 60th
anniversary of the occupation of Palestine; the 60th anniversary
for the International Declaration of Human Rights explicitly
referring to the right to return to the homeland; and the World
Day for Solidarity with the Palestinian People on 29 November
2008.
The participants agreed in The
International-Arab Conference for the Right of Return to issue a
communiqué entitled 'The International Declaration for the
Palestinian Right of Return.'
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The 2008 US
Presidential Elections: Facts and Analysis
On 4 November 2008, the American people
and the world had an important appointment to witness the
election of the forty-fourth president and vice-president of the
United States of America.
On that day, the fifty-sixth
presidential elections took place as is the case every four
years since the establishment of the USA. This time, 15
candidates contended in the race: 13 partisan and 2 independent,
but there was a fierce competition between the main Republican
and Democratic parties. It was the Democratic Senator Barack
Obama and Senator Joe Baiden who won the elections over the
Republican Senator John McCain and the Governor of Alaska Sarah
Palin. Thus, Obama is the president-elect until he is formally
declared president of the United States on 20 January 2009.
Unprecedented events occurred in the
history of America, most important of which is the election of a
black American of mixed race and faith to be nominated by a
major party and take over the presidency. Obama is also the
youngest US president whereas McCain would have been the oldest,
and Palin the first women vice-president had they won.
Furthermore, Joe Baiden is the first Catholic of Irish origins
to become vice-president, except for Kennedy, no Catholic has
ever found his way to the White House. Moreover, upon the
appointment of Ram Emanuel, an Israeli Jew, chief of staff in
the White House, it becomes clear that the top three people in
the executive authority – the most powerful among the three
authorities – come from relatively newly immigrated families as
well as religious and racial minorities. To add the high
possibilities of the Democratic Hilary Clinton and the
Republican Palin, America has made a dramatic jump by allowing
the children of the minority to lead America two decades before
it becomes without any racial or religious majority, but a huge
mix of ethnicities, faiths and sects.
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Human
Rights Violations by the Palestinian Authority Security in
the West Bank
This report investigates the increasing
concern felt by the author and many Palestinian politicians and
human rights activists about the security forces' practices in
the West Bank. Many stories have circulated of sophisticated
tortures used, in addition to the internationally known means.
The consequences are devastating for the detainees face, and
confess to, false charges. Some of these practices have caused
total or partial paralysis and a number of temporary or
permanent disabilities in the detainees' limbs. Several have
needed hospital treatment as a result of detention, while others
died.
The leaders of the Palestinian Authority
as well as the main international donors have turned a blind eye
to such practices. The Israeli government have encouraged this;
as have weak responses by Palestinian society and the human
rights organizations. The report concludes that the current
situation is extremely serious because of its future
repercussions on society, authority, security, public safety and
social coherence. A number of recommendations are made to the
Palestinian Authority, civil society organizations, human rights
organizations and the international community – in a bid to put
an end to illegal and inhumane practices. Continuous pressure
must be exerted to make the Palestinian Authority release the
detainees, stop aggression against civil society organizations
and NGO's, and protect citizens' rights from transgressions by
the security forces.
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A Legal
Study of the Palestinian Presidency: Scenarios of the Legal
Status of the Palestinian National Authority after 8 January
2009
Since 9 January 2009, fierce arguments
have raged about the process for filling the constitutional post
of the president of the Palestinian National Authority. The
Middle East Studies Centre present this study, with others in
the legal field, to deplore the absence of a valid process of
presidential selection. It aims to establish a basis for the
constitutional status of the authority president to eliminate
the possibility of loss of legal status and the possibility of
interior disputes and negative repercussions on the Palestinian
cause and people.
Significantly, it examines the legal
aspect of the Palestinian status quo arguing that it "cannot
stand any consideration of extraordinary circumstances. The
ordinary president's term ends on 8 January 2009, leaving the
door open for a new president by means of fair general
elections. Moreover, the extension of the president's term for
an additional year – according to other approaches – is seen to
violate basic constitutional law and significantly harm the
Palestinian democracy. Such an extension will also make the
statutory status of the current authority president
unconstitutional, so he will be no longer legal or
representative of the authority or the Palestinian people".
Therefore, the various scenarios of this
highly controversial case in terms of interests and projects
will be legally investigated within the balance of the statutory
legitimacy of the Palestinian National Authority – the basic
constitutional law.
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Authority without
Authority: The Status Quo
A number of questions need to be raised
about the stability and viability of the Palestinian National
Authority (PNA). These questions are related to the decreasing
powers of the PNA, the absence of an effective central
authority, the split between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank,
and fierce internecine conflicts. After a call by some parties
in the nationalist movement for a one-state solution, and in a
context of continuous slowdown in the permanent peace settlement
talks, the need for answers become more urgent.
Although the conflict between Hamas and
Fateh may lead to implosion of the PNA, it continues unabated.
Fateh considers the establishment of a Palestinian national
state on the homeland soil as it's great and historic
achievement. Hamas sees the PNA as a prize which it managed to
gain by the legal means of democratic elections. Hamas looks
forward to controlling, in the same way, the Palestinian
Liberation Organization (PLO) and the other Palestinian
institutions.
While the current situation may look
static, a couple of processes seem to be active. The first is
the increasing weakness of the PNA and the nationalist movement,
though both are recognized and supported by Israel and the
international community. The second is the growing popularity of
Islamic movements among the Palestinians.
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Folder Of Gaza
The Confrontation
between Israel and the Resistance in Gaza: Approaches and
Repercussions
The Middle East Studies Centre
organized a seminar at its headquarters in Amman entitled The
Confrontation between Israel and the Resistance in Gaza:
Approaches and Repercussions, in which a number of elite
political, media, legal, strategic professionals, and syndicates
and public life participated.
The seminar discussed five
aspects:
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approaches to the
confrontation
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propaganda and media
dimensions
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military intelligence about
the confrontation between Israel and the resistance
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legal dimension of the
confrontation
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public pan-Arab, Islamic and
international positions.
The seminar concluded with
recommendations to support the Palestinian cause, the resistance
track, and the Palestinian people in Gaza. The most important of
these recommendations call for:
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the establishment of an
international body (pan-Arab, Islamic, and international) to
defend Gaza
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the establishment of an Arab
criminal court, or an international war crimes court, and
the promulgation of laws in Arab countries to prosecute
war criminals
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the continuity of the public
role in supporting the resistance (pan-Arab, Islamic, and
international)
-
the creation of
multi-language websites which expose Israeli crimes in Gaza.
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Statistical Analysis of the
Palestinian-Israeli Truce
The study examines the economic figures of
the truce experience from 19 June 2008.
It is estimated that the daily needs of
the industrial sectors are 493 truckloads; the commercial sector
184 truckloads; and the fuel sector 120,000 litres of benzine,
600,000 litres of gasoline, 350 tons of cooking oil, and 700,000
litres of manufacturing gasoline.
However, upon comparing the incoming
truckloads during the six-month truce with the aforementioned
needs of the Gaza Strip, the following percentages can be
computed. The highest percentage for industrial and commercial
needs was only 25.22% in the second month, whereas the lowest
was 3.96% in the sixth month. For the fuel sector, the highest
percentage of cooking oil was 48.89% in the third month, whereas
the lowest was only 2.22% in gasoline in the sixth month.
It is noteworthy that the actual
percentages of the numbers of the working days of each of the
border crossings were 61.1% for Al-Shija'iyya – as the highest
one – and 29.3% for Karm Abu Salem – as the lowest.
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Israeli Public Opinion and the Aggression in Gaza
Due to Jewish history and their
understanding of the nature of the bitter conflict in their
geo-political environment, the Israelis hold deep in their
hearts a great sensitivity to any external security challenge.
Their 'experience-conflict' mindset turns out to have reached a
serious level which makes it unlikely to come to an end soon,
leaving the Israelis in a permanent state of anxiety and
suspicion.
Frightened of the future, the Israeli
mind relates the confrontation with the Palestinians to the
threat to the existence of the Jews as in the Holocaust,
regardless of the credibility of this connection. In addition to
this special dimension of the Israeli reaction to these
confrontations, there comes the general response factor as a
common human social, cognitive and behavioral feature. This way,
a comprehensive view of the status of Israeli public opinion,
along with its interests, concerns, roles and attitudes, can be
formed in this study.
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Nature and
Scenarios of the Military Confrontation in the Gaza Strip
In the period 27 December 2008 to 18
January 2009, a military confrontation took place between the
Palestinian resistance and the Israeli forces. The battle had
the following features: huge inequality in conventional military
capabilities; a relatively long duration in light of the small
size of the resistance; fierce fighting; changes in the front
from one stage to another; and the ability to launch rockets on
Israeli cities.
To talk about an 'ongoing' military
confrontation necessitates a definition of 'ongoing', for the
battle broke out on 27 January 2008, but a ceasefire does not
mean the confrontation has come to an end. In fact, some
sporadic clashes have taken place since the ceasefire started
until the preparation of this report, which can only assess the
events of the previous period and then predict the scenarios of
confrontation.
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Telephone Interview: A Hamas
Leader States Israeli's Failure to Defeat the Palestinian
Resistance
Muhammad
Nazzal:
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The Israeli aggression on the
Gaza Strip had been expected and the preparations to counter
it started over a year ago.
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The resistance will continue
and can never be stopped after the Gaza War. Wars do not
wipe nations as long as they defend their rights.
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Hamas rejects international
forces which will come to protect Israel… Hamas also refuses
the Palestinian Authority's persistence in having these
forces as a means to put an end to the resistance and return
to power in the Gaza Strip
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Propositions aimed at consolidating separation or abrogating
national rights are doomed… The elimination of Hamas is
impossible.
Confrontation Results: Military
Gains and Losses until 18 January 2009
The occupiers did not declare the
objectives of the aggression on Gaza following the experience of
the war on Lebanon in 2006, when big objectives were declared
but were not achieved. The defeat of this huge war machine was
in its failure to achieve the political goals.
The occupiers maintained an
ambiguous attitude before the media, yet the goals were
pronounced by its leaders. For example, Tzipi Livni said in
Cairo that they aimed to "change the situation in Gaza and end
the rule of Hamas". In his turn, Avy Dichter, the Interior
Security Minister said on Al-Jazeera on the 8th day
of the war that they wanted to weaken the rule of Hamas, and the
attack on Gaza aimed to stop the launch of resistance rockets,
to end smuggling of weaponry and to create a truce totally
different from the previous one.
A war should have strategic and
tactical goals. A strategic goal is not necessarily a major one
or a tactical goal a minor one. In fact, a minor goal may be
strategic at the same time. A strategic goal is that one
considered so from an Israeli or regional point of view.
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The Aggression on Gaza: Considerations and
Repercussions
Since it won the general
elections in January 20006, Hamas has been facing a fierce
campaign from internal and external parties. Therefore, the
movement launched what it called the 'military resolution' in
the Gaza Strip, involving the Palestinian cause in a crucial
stage of the conflict with a relative rule of a resistant
faction over one part of the occupied territory. The campaign
intensified against Hamas by imposing a severe siege on the Gaza
Strip; attempting to isolate it regionally and internationally;
tracking its sources of finance; enrolling it in the list of
terrorist organizations; and pushing the citizens in the Gaza
Strip to overthrow Hamas to change their miserable conditions.
However, the movement managed to
combine politics and resistance, spoiling the American and
Israeli plans which aim at achieving their vision in the Arab,
Islamic region of the Middle East. Therefore, a decision was
made to bring down Hamas and bring Gaza back to obedience in
order to be part of the road map solution based on internal
Palestinian fighting.
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Israeli Vision
A Fiasco Plus Bereaved Mothers… The War Did Not Achieve Its
Goals
With the arrival of the last soldier
home from Gaza, we can safely say they went there without any
useful result. Israel's war was a complete fiasco. Not only is
this a matter of Israel's moral failure – a serious issue in
itself – but also its inability to achieve its declared goals.
Even the deterrent we claim to have
accomplished in the second Lebanon war did not affect Hamas at
all. Likewise, the deterrent we claim to have accomplished
recently was not of any use, for the sporadic launching of
rockets continued until the final day of the war.
It has become obvious that the policy
whereby we deal with Hamas is futile. It has been boycotted by
the entire world and a siege has been imposed on Gaza by Israel,
but Hamas has remained in control.
As long as the status quo continues,
then what exactly happened? What happened was a decision to stop
the war for unpredictable interior reasons. That is, opinion
polls indicate a rise in Benyamin Netanyahu's popularity. Why?
Because the war was not satisfactory.
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Hamas' Claim of Victory Can be Advocated
When the war comes to an end, it will
become clear – as it is always the case with the state of Israel
– that it trapped itself. However, the new matter this time is
that international pressure would be exerted to force us to
withdraw: not only from the Gaza Strip, but also from the West
Bank.
There is a genuine national Israeli
interest in delivering a blow to Hamas. This is the reason why
Israel demanded international support to carry out the onslaught
operation against the Gaza Strip and later the same support to
withdraw from there.
It is hard to realise to what extent
politicians and journalists are stupid when they believe that
the world is standing on our side.
The Hamas' spokesman claims victory, and
it seems that the claim has some justification. For instance,
Hamas has gained some kind of recognition, the opening of the
border crossings has become a topic for discussion, a march of
victory goes towards the Palestine square, and prisoner exchange
grants Hamas a kind of late victory.
The nonsense voiced by some Arabs that
the Gazans would reject the authority of Hamas in the next April
elections was the same hallucination they suffered from during
the second Lebanon War when they expected the Lebanese would
reject Hezbollah in the wake of the Israeli shelling. What
reality shows now is that Hezbollah is a fierce contender to
lead the whole of Lebanon. Similarly, Hamas intends to lead the
whole of Palestine.
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"Israel's Goals Achieved"… Statements
Without Credit
The military victory declared boldly by
state leaders which aims to relieve us of the nightmare of
rockets – as they said – is not real. In fact, there is no
happiness in Israel: the residents of Ntefot and Beersheba have
not taken to the streets to celebrate; the artists have not
appeared on the platforms of victory in Ishdood; nor has the
Israeli army organised a victory march in Sderot. The reason is
that the Israelis feel deep in their hearts that there is no
good reason to celebrate.
Let that be a matter of the
pre-elections era for the politicians, but when such statements
without credit are also issued by the army – "Israel's goals
achieved" – then we are all in trouble. What goals have been
achieved?
Has Shalet gone back home? Have most of
the rockets been destroyed? Has the active backbone of Hamas
been eradicated? Has the movement's leadership been paralysed?
Can rockets still be smuggled into Gaza or locally manufactured
in the Strip? If these goals have not been achieved, why did we
start the war?
The Israel military is still sunk in the
quagmire of the failure of the second Lebanon war. However, the
war in Gaza was not between the Israelis and the Palestinians,
but between our alliance in the Middle East and the alliance of
Hamas. The US, Europe, Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the
Palestinian Authority acted during the war as true allies,
signaling future strategic repercussions beyond the Strip's
borders.
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Documents
A Special Request for an Urgent Verdict to be Issued by the
International Court of Justice to Stop the Genocide in Gaza
Needless to say, mainstream law
specialists intend to sue top Israeli officials for crimes
committed now in Gaza against the Palestinians. Despite the
significance of this approach, it seems it may be hampered by a
number of political, legal, and procedural obstacles. There is
an important legal opportunity which the Arabs have not yet
taken up: articles 8 and 9 of the Convention on the Prevention
and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 1948. It is important
to note that Israel and a number of the Arab countries are
signatories of the convention.
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The Qassam Brigades’ Press
Conference Statement after the Furqan Battle [The War on Gaza]
A 22-day aggressive war was launched by
the Zionists against the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip;
the heroic Furqan battle was fought by the Qassam Brigades and
the brave Palestinian resistance in the great land of Gaza; and
legendary steadfastness was witnessed. Extraordinary resistance
was made by the people of Gaza to counter this aggression, which
made no distinction in terms of injustice and cruelty between
men, women, children and the elderly. The resistance was
victorious while Israel was defeated by this steadfastness,
raising the white flag by announcing a unilateral ceasefire.
The statement by the Qassam Brigades,
the military wing of Hamas, presents the results of the war
under five main headings:
-
Palestinian martyrs
-
the Zionist army death toll
-
the battle operations of the
Qassam Brigades
-
the areas entered in the
occupation
-
the failure of Israeli plans
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