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Editorial
Strategically, the Islamic Movement has been considered the main political and social stability factor to the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. Owing to dramatic developments in the power and influence of the Islamic Movement through the last few years 2003-2008, the distinction between its policies and the Jordanian government has widened, especially concerning the main national and regional issues. As such, the relations suffered a lot of turbulence, which might be called "Cold Confrontation". Both sides succeeded to contain such tension not to destabilize the Kingdom despite of the emerging mistrust between them. The government step forward to reorganize its relation with the Islamic Movement that began on 14/7/2008 indicated its new policy to reorganize the internal political map including some old alliances with other forces. On the other hand the Palestinian cause has historically manipulated the Jordanian government internal and external policies. The Palestinian cause traditionally formulated the regional role and the international consideration of the Kingdom. The fate of the Kingdom had been deeply affected by the outcomes of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Jordan unilaterally decided to apply the disengagement with the west Bank in 1988; which was united with the East bank on 1952. The decision could not distance Jordan to play many roles in the cause later. The dramatic change in the Palestinian political forces influence that resulted by the defeat of Fatah and the victory of Hamas in the Legislative Council elections of the PNA on January 2006 was not evaluated well by Jordan at that time. Its positions and policies in this regard were irrelevant to the change. Afterwards different considerations have forced Jordan to reconsider its policies that affect its regional role. Such revision of policies resulted in the move to reconciliation with Hamas, beginning on 21/7/2008 that began by security issues. Different sources and analysis indicate high expectations that Jordan will succeed in rebuilding its relations with Hamas on bases that might be deeper than it has ever been. Jordan is looking to protect its national interests of independence and not to be the alternative homeland for the Palestinians especially the refugees whom Israel is refusing their return. From its part, Hamas is looking to consolidate its position towards Jerusalem as an Arab city, the right of the refugees to return to their homes and to break the political and economic international embargo on the movement. The deep analysis of the expected developments in the region through the next five years encourages Jordan to develop its new policy toward both Islamic movements in Palestine and Jordan. They might be the only serious and faithful partner who will help in conserving the Hashemite Kingdom vital interests and stability against any aggression or threats. The coming few months will uncover how serious and deep the decision makers in Jordan are taking such move in its strategic dimensions.
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International Policy Towards Arabs: Voting In The Un Assembly The research seeks to observe the changes regarding the foreign conduct of the great forces (United States and Russia) toward the Arab region due to the transformations in the international system. It sheds the light on types of those changes on economic, security and strategic levels, trying to analyze changes which affected the constants of the foreign policies of both countries. The study also discuses the differences between their policies toward the Arab region. It shows how the Arabs interact with these policies; whether they adapt to it or deal with it regressively. It also discusses whether the fact regarding if there is an Arab party considered as a source for these interactions or if the interactions emerged from units of this system. The research addresses the Arab interplay with these both forces, specifying the tracks of that interaction and how it differs from the previous stage in 1990. It also explained its reflections on the voting conduct of both parties in the General Assembly of the United Nation in regard to the issues in this study. Finally, the researcher extracted the results due to the given facts.
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The Jewish groups which have occupied Palestine realized that its invasion and occupation is similar to the invasion and occupation of the past Crusade. They have recognized that and dealt with it seriously by using scientific approach. As a result, they attempt to study the situation in the Islamic Arab World and analyze its elements to avoid a result that might be similar to the result of Hettein battle. The Jews, who are wholly engaged in the Tora and the historical right, would see this shift from Crusade invasion to Zionistic invasion and vice versa as one of the ritual acts. They considered it as a shift from the history to the future. Of course, they didn't pay any attention to the Crusade itself but they are interested to analyze its historical symbols, and its projection on the future. Since, they care to know how the crusaders were eliminated from the territories which are occupied now by Israel. They raised many questions as: how could they avoid having the same result of the Crusade Jerusalem kingdom? How could they protect themselves from another Hettein? And how was Hettein emerged? The study avoided few differences resulting from dissimilarity between two ages; the crusade and the Judaism. On the other hand, it tried to analyze the similarities of two projects. Both of them (Crusaders and Jews) initiate with one start; since the Jewish cause is solved after it was considered as a European internal problem by an act from outside Europe and on the land far away from Europe . As a Crusade problem, it was also considered an internal European problem solved in the same way, but its end was in Hettein. Hettein existed by the help of several elements as finding a dynamic center, presenting conscious and inspiring leading, and making a strategic depth. Another Hettein would not exist unless the proper factors and the age standards are there. Let us return to the similarities between two projects, we will find that similarities are needed to be completed by the word "Hettein".
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Kadyma party was established in 2005 due to many changes on political field in Israel. But, this party failed since its leader hasn't made any serious changes in peace with Palestinians. This might be because of the absence of its establisher Areil Sharon who made critical changes regarding the peace with Palestinians. He adopted the concept of David Bengurion, and followed a tough policy toward the Palestinians. Now, the existing leader Ehoud Olmert failed to affect the Israeli political field because of his failure in two wars: Lebanon and Gaza. Olmert also is exposed to several accusations regarding the corruption. The third leader in the party, Tzipi Livni, failed to play that role, because she hasn't got long experience or a proper opportunity to make any effects. Sharon affected the electoral platform of Kadima party; he tried to seize the local and international opportunities to force the Palestinians to accept the Israeli demands. At first, he tried to leave a initial impression to show that he works for establishing the Palestinian State beside Israel. Ehoud Olmert followed that view but he didn't add any more than Sharon. As he tried to present new ideas as a result of the Intifada, he hasn't in fact applied it on the ground. On the other hand, when Lifni tried to make a distinguished approach, she found one way; she presented a peace initiative and emphasized that Israel will affect its interests negatively, if it makes a declaration about its nuclear weapon
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The views and definitions of security concept are various regarding to its types, dimensions, and effects. However, several studies addressed some of these definitions. In spite of the common and large use of that concept; it is considered a new one in the political science; this make it vague and evokes several problems. The security concept which appeared at the end of the cold War is not considered the best one addressing the national security in the modern state. On the other hand, It also has not been developed to be a scientific domain of political science applying theoretical approach by presenting proposals, objectives, scientific tools, and findings for reaching to a rule that might govern the "national security". For reaching a joint understanding for a "security" concept, it is worth to recognize that concept on the basis of modern intellectual schools; which the researcher discussed in the first chapter. Then, he displayed the security pillars and its levels.
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Israeli-Syrian Negotiations In Turkey The Syrian president Bashar Al Asad stipulated conditions to start negotiations on the Israeli- Syrian tracks. We observed that Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert presented a clear response to the first condition in a clear statement regarding the desire to achieve peace. It is considered a distinguished step and differs from previous approaches. At the same time, Olemert declared that Syria doesn't represent a nuclear threat to Israel which undermined the last accusations of Syria. On the other hand, it considered an apology from Israel regarding the violation on the Syrian occupied lands in September 2007. The successive indications regarding the Jolan Return give an expression that Israel presented the required commitments- guarantees to the third party, at least who Al Asad emphasized on his trustworthy in a speech. Consequently, any upcoming negotiation will not be baseless, it will take into consideration all the previous achievements; with no return to the zero point, with no deny to the agreements which had been achieved in the past and its following efforts. All indications show that Syria return to the first squire; it went back to the regional position that leads to initiate the peace process. So Israel has to select one of two options after its defeat in 2006; using a stupidity and madness military act, or involving into a wise peace process with Syrians who will not accept to be a trick to cut their strategic connections or put pressure on the Palestinian track. On the other hand, the Syrian track becomes a regional and international option in spite of all oral pressures in Washington.
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Lebanon: Doha Agreement, The Bridge To Reconciliation The International decision 1559, which was issued in Beirut, initiated the disturbed situation in Lebanon. Its articles led to raise disputes among Lebanese. It also erupted a severe division after the assassination of Rafiq Al Hariri by 2005 (14 February). The divisions were related to regional options of Lebanon, the weapons of Hezb Allah, and the relationship between Lebanon and other countries especially Syria. At the beginning, the political differences were clear, but after that the facts become more confusion especially on the Internal and regional options of Lebanon. This report tackled a thoroughly analysis relating to the decision 1559 which ignite the conflict and distrust among Lebanese.
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Hamas movement, the Palestinian authority, and Israel stated a truce agreement by an Egyptian mediation and international support. The agreement would be applied gradually -especially in ceasefire- on the Palestinian territory; starting in Gaza strip as a first step, then in the West Bank as a second. This situation demonstrated the political power decline for both Israel and Fatah movement when they started their direct negotiations to undermine the Political power of Hamas in Gaza strip since November 2007. The agreement showed the political development of Hamas role in equation regarding the main three parties that affected the Palestinian cause; Hamas has maintained its organizational unity and managing the Gaza sector under the siege. On the other hand, it has been able to develop its political position which forced the authority's presidency and Israel to make a dialogue with it instead of boycotting and fighting. The truce agreement included the west bank as a second step which considered a very critical indication; it might lead to strengthen the political position of Hamas in Palestine.
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Arab & Palestinian Policies Towards Arab–Israeli Conflict- Report The symposium discussed thoroughly four main pivots. The first one addressed the Palestinian policy toward the conflict: the required policies to develop the Palestinian side in the conflict and to enable it to participate in conflict determination in cooperation with Arab and international sides. The participants discussed these policies in regard with several factors; the resistance of the Palestinian people and its internal unity, the Intifada and the resistance against the occupation, the peace process and the political settlement, the Palestinian National Authority and the Palestinian Liberation organization, the amendment and the internal development, and finally the political, media, and the external relationship. The second pivot discussed the formal Arab policies toward the conflict. The participants emphasized that the origin of the Palestinian Cause goes back to Zionism and colonialism conspiracy on the western and international levels. It initiated from Bazel conference in 1897, and then it continued as the result of Balfour Declaration. Thus, Palestine was put under British mandatory. The participants indicated that the Arab weakness and dependence are the main factors which enlarged that conspiracy. The third pivot clarified deeply the policies of the Arab parties toward the conflict. The participants indicated that the policies of national parties emerged from the faith that considered Palestine as an Arab country; just for Arabs. They added that the current struggle is in fact a struggle for existence not for borders. Hence, Israel exerts its efforts to obstruct the comprehensive development in the Arab World and to weaken its unity. The participants also considered the agreements which were held between Israel and Palestine or between Israel and other Arab countries as surrender agreements. The fourth pivot addressed the Israeli and Arab policies toward Gaza siege and its prospects. The participants indicated that Gaza siege is related to the resistance; since if Hamas responded to the quaternion conditions, the siege would not be there. Three subjects were discussed in this chapter; the oppression of the Palestinian people (killing, displacement and starving…), the resistance, and finally the impact of the siege on the Palestinian people. In the conclusions, the participations presented several important recommendations.
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Reports and Articles The Arab Summit: The Role & The Future- Report The discussions concerned with several pivots regarding the periodicity of the summit institution; the symposium addressed the directions, outcomes, and challenges. It also displayed the prospects of institution development regarding Arab internal situation, general Arab issues, and their role on the international level. Then, it concluded by presenting visions and recommendations The participants observed the absence of the objective assessment concerning the summit periodicity and its outcomes since its beginning in Amman/2003. The summit periodicity is considered a political achievement. It aims at making Arab meeting periodical and consonant, regardless of the absence of parties of them, changing the representative level, repeating expressions, and inability to meet the Arab street desires.. In this context, the participants emphasized that the outcomes of the summit didn't attain the required results for peoples and regimes. On the other hand, the foreign interventions have played a key role in the summit conferences works and their results, whereas the real Arab roles are weak and sometimes absent. The participants discussed the Arab public role in activating the summit institution. They clarified that the contribution of the Arab Parliamentarians in the Arab league will improve the Arab nation representation by the help of organizations and regimes. The league needs to get parties, organizations and Arab forces under its umbrella. But the deficiency is clear whether from the organizations or regimes. The participants also discussed the future of the summit institution and its development. They believed that the Arab regimes should pay great attention to their people interests and worries. Otherwise the Arab summit efficiency and its role will be exposed to more retreating in the future and will cut the final bond of the weak Arab unity. Finally, the participants presented suggestions that might help in achieving the Arab nation's objectives.
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Reports and Articles The Challenges Facing Arabs In The Food Crisis – Report The price surge, especially in the main food substances, is considered a big challenge for the Arab World and many other countries. As a result, the total value of the food has continuously been raised. It was 2.4 billion at the beginning of the seventies, 12.5 billion at the mid of eighties, and then 18 billion in 2006. The participants indicated that weather changes are considered one of the main factors that aggravated the food crisis in some countries that produce and export some of main food substances, as rice, wheat, and corns. They also discussed other reasons of this crisis; as using many corps to produce a biological fuel to face the surge of oil price, in addition to the change in consuming approach by many peoples. The participants also tackled several issues related to the complementary food in Arab countries needs, capabilities, and challenges. The participants emphasized on the importance of the complementary food to face that international crisis. They indicated that the Arab World has great capabilities to deal with this problem. They clarified that Jordan; has been affected by this crisis more than other countries, for several reasons; economic, social, environment (weather and land) and others. Finally, the participants presented recommendations and resolutions which might help the Arab World – especially Jordan- to deal with this issue.
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