Issue 38
|
|
Editorial
The Main
Strategic Change in Palestine Through 2007
Through out 2007 Palestine will be under the
effect of two main strategic scenes and factors: First an
increase in the distinctive and surprising ability and
steadfastness of the Hamas leadership to break the sanctions on
the Palestinian people. Hamas will also play the political game
regionally and internationally as the main key Palestinian
party. The second factor is the increase of the pragmatic
behavior of Fatah to recognize the new strategic facts including
the acceptance of sharing in partnership in the political life
with Hamas.
These two strategic factors will confirm a
national dynamic to change the rules of the political and
confrontation game with the Israeli occupation. If Israel
refuses to recognize the new Palestinian facts, the above two
factors will enhance a third Palestinian uprising against the
occupation on both the civil and military tracks. Such an
Intifada will push Israeli options in a corner: The best would
be for Israel to end fully its occupation of the West Bank and
the Gaza Strip to the 4th June 1967 line.
|
|
|
Content |
|
Opening Article |
|
|
The
Main Strategic Change in Palestine Through 2007 |
Editor |
|
Research & Studies |
|
|
War on Lebanon & The US Middle East:
Background and Repercussion |
Salman BuNuman |
|
Consequences of
Saudi WTO Accession:Continuity
and Change |
Amjad Ahmad Jbreil |
|
Reports and Articles |
|
HAMAS Government:
Challenges and Prospects
|
Maha Abdulhadi |
The End of American
Influence in the Middle East
|
Richard Hess |
Russia, China and the
Iranian Nuclear Program Crisis
|
Nourhan Al Sheikh |
|
Arabian national interest
with Iran and Turkey's Balance Roles |
Heba Shunnar |
|
Peace in The Middle East Beyond
2006 |
Marwan AL-Asmar |
|
Seminars Workshop |
|
Arab policies necessary
to Support Palestinian issue
|
Fadia
Ktaish |
Role of Uprising in
Resisting Israeli occupation: Prospects of a 3rd
Intifada looms
|
MESC |
|
Reviews |
Nabila Khader |
|
Research & Studies
War on Lebanon & The US Middle East:
Background and Repercussion
The author
believes that the two operations, "scattered illusion" in
Palestine and "True Promise" in Lebanon, resulted in Israeli
revising its views on many issues, and lead to the downfall of
its security war illusion. This is while it had been prompted to
consider waging a full-scale war on both Lebanon and Palestine
to end the resistance, as a prelude for the reconstruction of a
new Middle East.
At the
Palestinian level, the Israeli destructive war aimed to paralyze
the Hamas government, demolish the infrastructure of the
resistance and break down Palestinian will. At the Lebanese
level, it aimed at pushing the Lebanese government to execute UN
resolution 1009 for disarming the resistance movement and weaken
Hizbullah.
The war
aimed, in addition, to covering the military and security
failure of the Israeli army; weaken Syria and Iran, impose
political, military and security projects to redraw the
political
map of the Middle East and lead to its new birth.
US new
Project in the ME
The wars
were part of American designs on the region and divide the
bigger states into sectarian ones based on racial divides while
staying small and weak at the same time. It also appears that
Washington has abandoned the idea of spreading democracy in the
region after the Hamas success in the legislative elections of
2006.
The
author believes that the New Middle East would weaken Hizbullah,
consequently weaken Syria and Iran and undermine the Palestinian
resistance. The US approach follows two courses: Using military
might to eliminate the resistance; and the use of soft power in
coalition with the Arab pro-peace regimes, and the containing of
the Iraqi crisis.
Lebanon War Repercussions
The Lebanese resistance showed high combative, technical and
morale levels. The credibility of its leadership was boosted
during the war. The Israeli military failure on the other hand,
created a series of crisis in Israeli and American perceptions
and the war broke down a number of Israeli army theories and
concepts.
UN
Resolution 1701
This
resolution was designed to disarm Hizbullah, remove its fighters
from south Lebanon, and replace them with the Lebanese army. If
it had been achieved this move would have been a qualitative
stage in US plans to contain Hizbullah fighters and eliminate
them at a latter stage.
Israeli Strategy after Lebanese War
In the
light of Israel's failure, it now has two choices:
Move to negotiate with Syria and give up the Golan Heights to
neutralize Damascus and weaken Arab resistance;
Or prepare for a wider regional war to try and reinforce the
deterrence aspect of its military capability and impose solution
by force. The new strategy is likely to develop in the following
months, depending on Israeli public opinion trends, the ruling
party, US policy on Syria, Iran and Iraq, and on the power of
the resistance movements.
|
|
Research & Studies
Consequences of Saudi WTO Accession - Continuity and Change -
After the events of 9/11 and its
regional and international implications, Saudi Arabia found
itself faced with external pressures pushing for internal
reform.
The study attempts to observe
and analyze the limits and prospects of change and the opening
up of Saudi Arabia one year after its accession to the World
Trade Organization in November 2005 by shedding light on
different political-cultural issues that have arisen during
domestic debates in the Kingdom.
However the study concludes that
openness remains limited especially after 9/11, reflecting the
desire of the ruling elite only to improve the status quo and
not to change it, thus continuing a pattern in Saudi politics
that balances between the response to inevitable development and
the need for internal stability.
The study highlights the
weakness of the Saudi movement for reform, both its Islamic and
liberal streams, and the hegemony of the formal attitudes
represented by the Ruling Family, consultative elites, as well
as the bureaucratic and religious figures who are close to the
ruling elite.
|
|
Research & Studies
HAMAS Government: Challenges and Prospects
The author
believes that the Hamas success in the 2006 legislative
elections and their control of the Palestinian government
represents a new era in Palestinian politics. However, its
success was marred by the negative effects of the present
political environment in Palestine; the continuation of Fateh
and their grip on the Palestinian presidency and the Palestine
Liberation Organization, their control of public sector and
security forces, the blocking of aid into the Palestinian
territories and the confrontation between both movements.
Achievements
- The Hamas
efforts in maintaining a harmonious situation with the laws,
traditions and commitments made by the previous Palestinian
Authority;
- Keeping
Palestinian rights and observing national unity;
- Starting
reform programs, notably regarding financial and administrative
corruption;
- Keeping
the arm of resistance, prohibiting political arrest, and the
development of the military capabilities of Hamas;
- Separation
between military and political issues while at the same time
maintaining a harmonious situation between politics and
resistance;
-
Consolidation of the Palestinian dimension into the Islamic and
Arab fold;
- Initiating
democratic rule;
- Flexible
and pragmatic approach on political issues.
Local
and Foreign Challenges
The author
thinks that Hamas have faced a number of local and foreign
challenges which have limited the movement power in performing
government functions and projects, notably:
-
International isolation of Hamas for their uncommitment to the
international quartered demands, especially recognition of
Israel. In addition, Arab states have not offered remarkable
helop to Hamas government.
- Local
crisis and security chaos. This state arises from absence fo
sole secutiy authority. The chaos has been used against Hamas by
Fateh leadership for political ends.
- Political
challenges represented by local, Israeli, regional and
international pressure to contain Hames, stop resistance and
impose recognition of Israel.
- Local
frictions between Fateh and Hamas in the street, security
forces, presidency and government.
- National
Unity Government (NUG): To stop deterioration, both Hameas and
Fateh have decided formation of a NUG based on the prisoners
document. Hamas showed great flexibility in giving up a number
of ministry posts. But Abbas repeatedly retracted away from
previous commitments.
The Hebrew
state: Israeli government and opposition call for destruction of
Hamas government and infrastructure, and for support of Abbas.
In
conclusion, the authority in view of great challenges to Hamas,
argues that it is difficult to forecast future developments she
sees that Hamas have to view local, Arab and international
political realities, and NUG is the way out of the crisis.
|
|
Seminar
The End of American Influence in the Middle East
The
paper deals with the new area in the Middle East and
United States role in its affairs. The US era of
dominance in the Middle East, the fourth in the region's
history, has ended and is likely that a new ME will
emerge, but one that is causing harm to itself, the US
and the world, and it will be difficult to shape from
outside.
The
most significant factor that ended the US era is the
Bush administration's determination to attack Iraq in
2003, in addition to the American failure to solve the
Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and the in ability of the
Arab regimes to counter radicalism, and globalization.
The new fifth era will have distinct features:
Limit of US power and its policy choices; challenge to
America by foreign policies; rise of Iran, next to
Israel, as one of the two most powerful states in the
region; an unstable Iraq for years to come; continuous
raise of the oil price; emergence of "militia" states,
stronger terrorism for political aims; Increasing rise
of Islam in the Arab world; and Arab regimes tendency to
become religiously intolerant and anti-American. For the
US to work for a new better era in the ME, American
policy-makers need to avoid two mistakes, while seizing
two opportunities. The first mistake would be
over-reliance on military force while the second to
count on the emergence of democracy to pacify the
region, because creating mature democracies is no easy
feat, neither does democratic reform guarantee a quiet
environment.
The
first opportunity, on the other hand, is to intervene in
Middle East with non-military tools, using diplomacy
with the help of local governments to solve problems in
Iraq and Iran.
Diplomacy is also needed to end the Palestinian-Israeli
conflict by creating conditions for a final settlement,
including a Palestinian state based on the 1967 lines.
The
second opportunity involves US insulation from the
region's instability, including less dependence on
Middle East oil.
|
|
Interview
Strategic Dimensions of Resistance
Programs in Palestine and Lebanon on Israeli Military Security
Strategy
Director
of the Middle East Studies Center, Mr. Jawad Al – Hamad, on
17-7-2006, conducted a telephoned dialogue with the Egyptian
strategic military expert, general tal'at Musalam.
The dialogue dealt with nature of the
confrontation between Israel and Hizb-Ullah in the north, and
between Israel and Hamas and other Palestinian resistance
factions, in the South; and whether such confrontation was
tactical or of strategic dimension. The dialogue investigated
reasons of escalation by Israel and its impacts, and whether
Israel and its new government have been entangled in this
battle.
Other questions were raised about both
Parties potentials in the war and high tenacity use of Israeli
air force, in the light of international and regional dimensions
and of land and arm considerations. Some questions dealt with
importance of people's endurance in the confrontation nature, in
addition to the resistance role and performance in the battle.
The dialogue, also a discussed possible
extension of the confrontation, regional extent of a potential
wider confrontation, and impact of surprises Israel met in Gaza
and south Lebanon, this situation would make Israel reconsider
its strategies and its ability to open a wider regional front.
The discussion, in addition, focused on the
nature of the present encounter. With Israel in the context of
Arab – Israeli conflict, its future prospects, the role it will
belay, and present hostilities' impacts on Israeli strategies
and on such conflict.
The dialogue, lastly, dealt
with the international side and confrontation effect on its
position, international Policies and Israeli aggression, and
possible American retreat in the face of strategic change in the
Arab – Israeli balance through both Palestinian resistance and
Lebanese resistance.
|
|
Reports and Articles
The External Challenges Facing
Jordan
he
external environment affects the internal policy of any state.
Because of her location, Jordan is greatly affected by the
surrounding political events which has a great impact on its
internal decision-making process. The Kingdom serves as a role
model for the small state surrounded by an environment of
regional instability.
During the course of debate on the dangers
facing Jordan and Egypt it can be discerned that Israel poses
the greatest dangers on these states because of her ambitions
and expansionist plans in the region despite the many agreements
and conventions signed between it and a number of Arab states
but which it has failed to commit to.
On the Palestinian issue, Israel tries to
exploit the existing distinctive relationship between Jordan and
Palestine to execute its expansionist plans for it wants to take
the land and establish a state on all of the territory of
Palestine.
As to the American occupation of Iraq, the
embargo on that country which lasted for 10 years turned it from
a politically, economically and militarily strong state into a
weak one. The last American occupation that started in 2003 lead
to the pilfering of Iraq's resources, the weakening of its
people and the dissipation of their national resolve. Israel is
taking advantage of this to create greater sectarian strife
especially regarding the Kurdish issue.
The report addresses the American
intervention in Arab countries, the opening of different files
and projects such as the "The Greater Middle East Project",
political and economic reform, and the fighting of what it calls
terrorism to try to redraw the region's map in favor of American
and Israel's interests something which will have tremendous
political and economic impact on Jordan.
The report showed Jordan
faces different external challenges; it is the most affected
country by the surrounding threats which needs the activation of
joint Arab action and the creation of a new framework for
greater Arab cooperation. In the last decades Jordan has always
believed in strengthening Arab relations as elements of its own
strength for an integrated society that has the ability to faces
external challenges and stand steadfast against them.
|
|
Reports and Articles
Israel, the Police Keeping US
interests in the Arab Region
The report discusses the strong
relationship between the United States and Israel, based on US
interests in the Arab region, especially those related to oil
issues. The report clarifies this relationship since
establishment of the Zionist entity, development of oil prices,
and the region's wars which exhausted oil revenue surplus
invested in the West's banks.
The report reviews history of this issue
after the World War II, changes in oil prices, in a game between
Western States and oil companies operating in the Arab World.
Where the later used to reduce prices for the benefit of
industrial firms. The game reached a stage where US would
threaten Arab countries and leaders in case they insisted on
raising oil prices.
Israeli existence in the region and the
role it plays represents both US and Israel's reciprocal
interests: Israel strives to foster a strong and extending
entity, while weakening other countries in the region; US, at
the same time, would utilize the area's huge wealth and keep its
states weak and unable to protest against low oil prices.
The report cites important
steps taken by West's industrialized countries, notably the US,
to siege the region, and recontrol oil prices, amounts of
production and revenues there of.
|
|
Reports and Articles
The
Iraqi Quagmire
The American confusion and the scenarios of withdrawal
from Iraq
There
is no doubt that the American administration suffers a serious
dilemma in Iraq now. The American human and economic losses will
not come to an end. Every day, American soldiers are killed,
many tanks and military vehicles are subject to explosion. It
seems that the hand of the Iraqi resistance is taller than what
the American administration had expected.
Paul l.Bremer in his book "My year in Iraq"
said: "It seems that the Iraqi insurgency movement is harder
than what we thought."
Now there are many Americans people asking
their administration to withdraw the American soldiers from
Iraq. The democrats in the Congress press heavily to legislate a
resolution to withdraw from Iraq.
Now, after more than 3 years of the
invasion, more than 2500 Americans soldiers have lost their
lives in Iraq and more than 200 billion dollars were have been
spent After all that, what are the scenarios of withdrawal?
A. The 1st Scenario: The prompt
withdrawal:
This scenario faces many objections:
1. The prompt withdrawal means that the
American administration loses its war against terrorism since it
considered Iraq as the main front of this war.
2. How can the American administration
explain the invasion and its losses?
3. USA will lose its position as the unique
pole in the world.
4. USA will not be able to interfere with
the affairs of any other country in the world.
B. 2nd Scenario: withdrawal outside
Iraqi cities:
This is an old scenario. It may reduce
American losses, but it will clear the way for the sectarian
militias to fill up the field which may lead to a horrible civil
war.
C. 3rd scenario: Gradual withdrawal
(Scheduled Withdrawal)
This scenario is adopted by several sides
including Iraqi tawafuq front, Board of Muslims Scholars,
National Dialogue Front, and others.
The Americans refuse this scenario for the
following reasons:
1. This scheduling may encourage the Iraqi
resistance to intensify their attacks against American troops.
2. This scheduling can not be announced
unless Iraqi armed forces are ready to take over the security
task.
D. 4th scenario: (achieving task)
This is the scenario that the
American administration has adopted. American officials always
emphasize that they will not leave Iraq until achieving their
task in establishing a democratic, secure and stable country.
|
|
Reports and Articles
Will shar'eya Courts Control all
Somalia?
The
report presents Somalia's complicated issue, its unity
and independence from the British and Italian
colonization, and its aspiration for unifying all the
Somali five provinces where one people of the same
language and religion live. But Somalia was divided into
zones ruled by militias, cliques and bands, suffering
from a bleedy civil war.
No one party was able to control
the capital, Meqadisho, during the nineties and until
early 2006, in spite of various efforts by international
and regional organizations, and neighboring countries.
As a result of those efforts,
however, a provisional government, a parliament and a
constitution were set up, but both institutions remained
in exile for reasons stated in the report.
The report reveals international
support for the Somali lords of war and the so-called
Coalition for Peace and Terrorism Fighting against the
emerging power of the Shar'eya courts' movement which
was established at an initiative by some popular
committees, religion scholars and businessmen. Those
efforts and powers united to form the Shar'eya Courts'
Union which has been able to win popular support and now
controls most parts of Somalia.
The report, in addition, talks
about the nature of Ethiopia's role and intervention in
Somali affairs, its occupation of Ogadin province since
the 19th century, and its support for the provisional
government.
It worth's mentioning that Muslims
form the majority among Ethiopia's people who suffer
under the rule of an authoritative minority.
The conflict in
Somalia, now, is mainly between two players, shar'eya
courts' Power, with no foreign support, and the poor
provisional power which enjoys international political
support and recognition. The report believes that Somali
way out lies in all parties share in an open dialogue
under Arab – African and UN auspices, in addition to the
serious international community support to reconstruct
Somalia.
|
|
Reports and Articles
Israel's Crimes Hides its Military
and Security Failure
This
report discusses "Operation Scattering Illusion" that was
orchestrated near the Abu Salem Vine Crossing, while analyzing
its results, consequences and motives. It further highlights the
Israeli aggression in the West Bank and Gaza before the
operation that included assassinating resistance leaders, and
the different massacres carried out against the Palestinian
people with the one on the Gaza beach getting prominence. The
resistance faced the aggression by carrying out a new operation
on 25 June 2006.
It was carried out by three Palestinian
factions and lead to the killing of two Israeli soldiers,
wounding seven others and destroying an Israeli tank. In turn,
two resistance leaders were killed while six others returned to
Gaza with an Israeli prisoner, Jlaad Shaleet. The report points
out the factions were willing to exchange the Israeli soldiers
in turn for 1000 Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails.
The report also outlined the consequences
of the Israeli invasion of Gaza called Operation Summer Rains in
which Israel kidnapped more than 60 Palestinian government
officials and cut off electricity and water of the people living
in the Strip.
The report highlighted the
fact that many in Gaza strip are suffering because of such
Israeli action, discussing the Arab and international reactions
on the formal and popular levels. There report has an appendix
of the number of Palestinian prisoners held in the Israeli
jails.
|
|
Reports and Articles
Fatah Needs a New Compass
fter the big win of Hamas in the last Palestinian
Legislative Election in January, 2006, all political parties and
factions, especially in Palestine, have been surprised at the
Fatah position in seeking to frustrate all of Hamas's programs
as an elected government. Observers are now saying Fatah has
lost its political direction and compass as a result.
In a review of its perspectives since
dominating the Palestinian political scene since the 1960s, we
find that Fatah positions and policies have been retreating and
changing especially in regard to the justness of the Palestinian
rights and negotiations with Israel, the occupier.
The development of the
Palestinian cause and the increase of international and regional
pressure on the Palestinian people and its national leaders
require all factions and movements, especially Fatah, to leave
its own personal interests aside and stress on the democratic
approach rather than adopt conflict-ridden means as a way of
applying pressure on Hamas. Such is not in the higher interests
of the Palestinian people.
|
|
Reports and Articles
IRAN: CONSEQUENCES OF A WAR
An
air attack on Iran by Israeli or US forces would be aimed at
setting back Iran’s nuclear
program by at least
five years. A ground offensive by the United States to terminate
the regime
is not feasible given
other commitments in Iraq and Afghanistan, and would not be
attempted.
An air attack would involve the systematic
destruction of research, development, support and
training centres for nuclear and
missile programs and the killing of as many technically
competent people as possible.
A US attack, which would be larger than
anything Israel could
mount, would also involve
comprehensive destruction of Iranian air defence capabilities
and
attacks designed to pre-empt Iranian
retaliation. This would require destruction of Iranian
Revolutionary Guard facilities close
to Iraq and of regular or irregular naval forces that could
disrupt Gulf oil transit routes.
Although US or Israeli attacks would
severely damage Iranian nuclear and missile programmes,
Iran would have many methods of
responding in the months and years that followed.
These would include disruption of Gulf oil
production and exports, in spite of US attempts at
pre-emption, systematic support for
insurgents in Iraq, and encouragement to associates in
Southern Lebanon to stage attacks on
Israel. There would be considerable national unity in Iran in
the face of military action by the
United States or Israel, including a revitalised Revolutionary
Guard.
One
key response from Iran would be a determination to reconstruct a
nuclear programme
and develop it rapidly
into a nuclear weapons capability, with this accompanied by
withdrawal
from the
Non-Proliferation Treaty. This would require further attacks. A
military operation against
Iran would not,
therefore, be a short-term matter but would set in motion a
complex and long-lasting
confrontation. It
follows that military action should be firmly ruled out and
alternative strategies
developed.
|
|
Reports and Articles
"Beyond Haifa", Hizbollah's war
with Israel
his
paper provides a factual background of the war on Lebanon and
Hizbollah in its early days. Through concrete developments and
happenings on the ground demonstrated by different aspects of
the war, the paper argues that new strategic realities and
equations are being built that daily show Israel is no longer
the awesome military power that once was in the Middle East. The
paper shows Israel's destructive capabilities on a defenseless
country like Lebanon but also examines the ability of a
non-state actor like Hizbollah to put up stiff resistance, hold
the Israeli army at bay, and hit Israel in its strategic depth.
In a curious way the conflict should be called the war on
Israel.
|
|
Reports and Articles
The National Accord Document:
Winners and Losers
fter
the Palestinian legislative election in January 25th 2006, in
which Hamas won a great victory, there have been dramatic
developments in the internal Palestinian arena. One of the
challenges was the international and financial siege, which
posed a huge pressure on the new Hamas-led government. Another
problem was the anarchy that prevailed in Gaza, and to some
extent in the West bank, as a result of ousting Fateh from
government after becoming a minority in the Palestinian
Legislative Council (PLC).
The Palestinians felt that there must be a
way out of this crisis. The PLC and president Abbas called for a
national dialogue to establish a common ground for the factions,
especially Fateh and Hamas. The dialogue was inaugurated on May
25th, and a number of initiatives were presented. Among those
initiatives was what is known as "prisoners' document".
Prisoners' document is one of the most
important initiatives that aim at achieving a Palestinian unity
for the purpose of facing the Israeli convergence plan, and to
seek an end to the international siege.
The document was considered important
because it was drafted by the prisoners who were active leaders
of the Palestinian national movement, and who have a good
reputation and experience as political leaders. Moreover, the
document came to redraw the Palestinian political map after the
dramatic winning of the elections by Hamas, which is expected to
become a major player in the political life in the future.
The document could be regarded as a way out
of the crisis, marked by confrontations between Hamas and Fateh
in Gaza, and the rise of protests calling for salaries, in
addition to the stalemate in the political horizon. This
document offers Hamas a national programme with which it can
make a breakthrough in the international position which imposed
a fierce siege on the Palestinians.
The document was also regarded as a way out
for Fateh, which found itself out of cabinet after 40 years of
monopolizing the policy-making. It opened the door for Fateh to
return to "Authority" through a "national government". However,
Hamas will stay as the largest bloc in the PLC, and will reserve
the right to form such a government.
The document came after a strong struggle
by Hamas to make reforms in the PLO, and to enable factions such
as Hamas and Islamic Jihad to enter the Organization. Moreover,
the document sets a general framework for future political and
resistance movements. On the one hand, it attempted to make a
balance between the resistance and the political compromise by
stressing on the right of the Palestinians in resisting the
occupation, and on the other hand, leaving the door open for
future negotiations and diplomatic tracks to solve the conflict.
It asserts that any political move should not relinquish any of
the basic rights of the Palestinians.
One could argue that this document has
undermined Hamas’ victory in the legislative elections. At the
same time, the document subordinated Fateh’s defeat in the
elections, given the fact that this defeat was difficult to
accept neither by Fateh, nor by the USA, Europe, Israel, and
even the Arab governments.
The document was regarded by some people as
a tool to kick Hamas out of power through the referendum, which
was suggested, and then decided, by president Abbas. The
alternative, however, was to push Hamas to, implicitly,
recognize Israel. Hamas was aware of these objectives, and thus
dealt responsibly with the document. It was so difficult for
Fateh to return to the Authority through the document, or
through the referendum which would never form an alternative to
the democratic and impartial elections.
The document could be
regarded as an achievement by all parties, especially Hamas
which began to form a base for its new role as a major player in
the Palestinian policy-making. Moreover, we may argue that the
document is a good achievement for the Palestinian cause, given
it will form a political reference for any future move, a
reference that is composed by all Palestinian factions, and that
would reserve the Palestinian national rights.
|
|